However, the intense ceremonialism that impressed European observers was not an artifact of empire but a pervasive feature of Nahua religious life in central Mexico. Las cartas de Pokémon se han convertido en piezas muy valiosas para los coleccionistas y muchos fanáticos están dispuestos a pagar miles de dólares por tener … The type of colonial state and society introduced by western Europeans in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem was particularly fragile. A case in point would be the nearly identical twin Maya texts, the chronicles of Chicxulub and Yaxkukul, which exist only as eighteenth-century “copies” of eyewitness accounts of the conquest of Yucatan. 14 Pair of colonial aquillas, ca. ): University of Texas Press, Austin. There is not, I think, a paper that does not use the word “text,” but text here is understood to be a multi-valent term in which European epistemological control is not absolute, whether it be the notion of the written document as the primary hermeneutic tool as employed by Lockhart, Karttunen, Murra, and Wood; or the use of the written document in relation to speech, performance, practices, or image texts as used by Salomon, Boone, and others. Revista de crítica literaria latinoamericana 4 (7–8): 7–21. See Maya Chimalhuacan, 245 Chimalpahin, Domingo Francisco de San Antón Muñón, 191, 203, 249, 426 Chimalpopocatl Galicia, Faustino, 428 Cholollan, 159 Cholula, 158, 183, 226, 245 Chontal text. If, however, with further research two or more separate spheres can be identified and characterized, a greater congruence in each may yet emerge. ZUIDEMA, R. TOM 1979 El Ushnu. The timekeepers who watched the clock, Guaman Poma thought, should be the Andean people themselves (Fig. . In contrast to these two documents, the response by Fr. n.d. Ocelotzin’s land apparently passed first to his descendant Cuauhtliztactzin, and then to that man’s two sons who are pictured and textually named below; they are Don Pedro Chichimecateuctli (perhaps the same Chichimecateuctli who fought with distinction on the side of Cortés)28 and Teohuaonohualli. Phallcha flowers are used in rituals of animal increase that take place throughout Southern Peru in February and in late June. B9165 (after Rowe 1961). Having survived the conquest and the evangelization and having assumed vital new forms, can indigenous literature sustain the challenges of the late twentieth century? Another set of titles from Metepec, in the Valley of Toluca, features a Don Juan Ignacio Felipe Carrillo (usually called Don Ignacio) as town founder. TAPIA, ANDRÉS DE 1980 Relación hecha por el Señor Andrés de Tapia sobre la conquista de México. 90 16. The textile, woven at the beginning of the 1980s, comes from a region of Cuzco with several decades of active involvement in agrarian politics. Latin American Antiquity 1 (1): 42–65. SANTO TOMÁS, FRAY DOMINGO 1951a Grammatica o arte de la lengua general de los indios de los Reynos de Peru (Raúl Porras Barrenechea, ed.). 109 Tom Cummins Fig. Espasa-Calpe, Madrid. The construction of this colonial Andean representation takes place roughly within the first seventy years after the conquest (Cummins n.d.a: 307–364). The bottom half of the native paper diagram presents the relevant 26 Although written wills had no Pre-Columbian prototypes (S. L. Cline 1984: 49), S. L. Cline (1986: 125) notes that in colonial Nahuatl wills from Culhuacan the parcels of land are identified by their place-names, soil types, and measurements, reflecting the pictorial cadasters. Photograph courtesy of the Archivo General de la Nación, Mexico. As in his earlier statements in the Memoriales, however, Motolinía significantly referred to “Moctezuma” as a synecdoche for his city and empire while not naming the other rulers; uniquely, the Tenochtitlan tlatoani personally represented the polity. Su agradable servicio es siempre un placer. Sheed and Ward, New York. The appearance of a specific mountain in Cuzco in a song recorded in Q’eros is puzzling, given that Q’eros is about sixty km away from Cuzco; it is not one of the principal sacred mountains that the people of Q’eros would call upon in ritual. In Cantuta. Here, in highlighting the vitality and resiliency of Nahua and Quechua culture in the postconquest period, we must be careful not to overlook the essential fact that the Spanish/native encounter was cataclysmic for the indigenous peoples.We must keep in mind that the indigenous people had nowhere near the same rights, status, health, and general well-being after the conquest as they did before. Fig. 9 Inka month of November. Lima. From the nineteenth century we have some publications by teachers of Nahuatl10 but next to nothing written by Nahuatl speakers for other Nahuatl speakers. Ricuni means “to look at or see” and Qquellccacatamu, “an image.” 95 Tom Cummins documents, but they remained important in the Andean colonial world because they first of all appealed to Andean forms of both economic and sociopolitical discourse, forms that were primarily oral and/or performative. At one time early in the planning stage, we explored the idea of examining all of Latin America. 38 Three Experiences of Culture Contact: Nahua, Maya, and Quechua tially, the long, stable period, except for its early start, does tend to confirm one’s expectation of slower movement and later development in Yucatan. ... Hola, Sí ofrecemos platos … Facsimile of 1608 ed. afterwards not only the Indians but many eager-minded Spaniards who desired to know the secrets of that land felt badly.” From the perspective of a half-century later, the church historian Bernardo de Lizana shared their sentiments: “They burned many historical books of the ancient Yucatan which told of its beginning and history, which were of much value if, in our writing, they had been translated because today there would be something original” (Tozzer 1941: 78).4 Some of the books, it seems, had See the discussion in Tozzer 1941: 77–78; Tozzer’s translation is on p. 169. In the proceedings it was asked of the witnesses: if they know that said Don Alonzo Hati, my father, was cacique señor principal of the pueblo of Tiguahalo that now is called San Miguel [and that] said Don Alonzo was cacique y principal since the time of the Inka [el tiempo del Inca] having his duho and tiana as señor de bassallos. Spaniards’ gods don’t give Indians anything. . It was there that in 1531 the Virgin of Guadalupe appeared to a Juan Diego, a native who reported the apparition and her command to build a church for her to Zumárraga, the bishop of Mexico City. Andean women and men were often quick to modify Spanish policies in line with their own notions of how local government should be organized. Whereas with Yucatan I imagine I can see enough to satisfy myself that the region long remained in a perhaps ill-defined but recognizable Stage 2, generally as well as in language, only certain aspects of the Andean picture over the postconquest centuries are reminiscent of Stage 2; other aspects point to an even earlier phase, while some elements of the sequence seen in Mesoamerica are missing because of pronounced differences in Mesoamerican and Andean culture. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, 1989. They had to provide representations that would fulfill intranative political ends as well: discrediting rival factions, satisfying villagers that their leaders recognized their interests, resonating memorably enough so that villagers could recall their leaders’ dicta and reuse them as a party line. 3). 33v, 37; leg. University of California Press, Berkeley. 1 Engraving in Juan Pérez Bocanegra’s Ritual formulario, e institucion de Curas, para administrar a los naturales de este Reyno . 2 Fol. Hence, colonial art is almost always a copy and not an original (see Kubler 1962: 112–113). To characterize colonial Nahuas as crypto-pagans operating under a veneer of Christianity is to grant objective reality to the dualistic categories of “Christian” and “pagan,” which were highly meaningful to Europeans but foreign to indigenous self-conceptions. In this image and Fig. Usachipuway kawzayta Purum tazqi hupaykuywa[y] Dios zizaq inkill wiwa Maymantañach, Aquyayta Usachiyman, qam mamayta 60 Qatachilla[y]. 278 The Colonial Re-Voicing of an Appeal to the Archaic son.16 His standing as the living representative of Yasali’s legacy affords a clue toward understanding a second detail of the Concha-Sunicancha lawsuit. Her 440 Indigenous Writing as a Vehicle of Postconquest Continuity and Change descriptions of the shooting war that erupted in Milpa Alta just after her school held its centennial celebration and of a flash flood that swept away the Chalma pilgrims in 1935 are as vivid as anything her colonial-period predecessors wrote (Horcasitas 1968: part 2; Horcasitas and O. de Ford 1979: chap. See painted testimonies; records Coyoacan, 243 Coyotzin, Juan, 211 Crete, 26–27. Assessing Andeans’ long history of heresy and malas costumbres, God, they asserted, must have decided to massacre their numbers in retribution for past transgressions. The same formal devices that organize and replicate the message conceal it from the ears of outsiders. Museo Nacional de Historia y el Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, Lima. Hispanic American Historical Review 37: 155–199. 23 Dr. Joaquín Galarza (1980) is their most vociferous defender. 21 Angeliki E. Laiou Rivers: Holstein, Mecklenburg, Brandenburg, Pomerania. Time here is still imprinted by a pre-ordained structure. Tito Cussi Yupanqui’s version is entirely different in its focus of exchange and rejection. See Silverblatt (1988, 1995) for analyses of hybridized understandings shaping Andean perspectives on the colonial experience. At the same time, the native population proves resilient and capable of absorbing the foreign ruling elite. 1585. More ephemeral documents included painted business records, records of court cases, 8 See especially Motolinía (1971: 5, 9), Origen de los Mexicanos (1941: 258), and Alva Ixtlilxochitl (1975–77, 1: 527; 2: 137, 149, 185), who relied on several annals for his history. Centro de Estudios Rurales Andinos “Bartolomé de las Casas,” Cuzco. Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, Lima. See Nahua: religious life: Christianity; religious orders: Franciscans Nahua, 27, 361, 362, 426, 432, 442. He claimed instead that the lands subject to Texcoco were equal to those of Tenochtitlan, citing Motolinía as his authority. Gibson noted that “Temascalapa cited its preconquest market place and pagan temple as proof of cabecera status, while Tepexpan argued its own great antiquity, claiming it was founded even before Texcoco, its numerous preconquest sujetos, and that Temascalapa had been founded by settlers from Tepexpan” (1964: 53). Disputes between the mendicant orders and the secular clergy were not simply a matter of ecclesiastical intrigue but involved the native population and what rights it had to free religious expression. Princeton University Press, Princeton, N.J. “MEMORIAL DE LOS PUEBLOS” 1939–42 Memorial de los Pueblos sujetos al Señorío de Tlacupan, y de los que tributaban a México, Tezcuco y Tlacupan. University of California, Berkeley. 182 Pictorial Documents and Visual Thinking in Postconquest Mexico It seems that every Nahua polity of any size maintained its collection of community pictorials, which could be used to demonstrate genealogical ties, historical rights, and social relationships. Month of the great festival of the Sun” (after Guaman Poma 1980: 1165). LEA, HENRY CHARLES 1908 The Inquisition in the Spanish Dependencies. Spanish law considered women to be legal minors. See also Nahua: “Conjuros” literacy program, 439 Morner, Magnus, 72 Moteuczoma, Hispanized form of Moctezuma, 237 Motolinía, Toribio, 150, 154, 156, 162, 165, 239, 242, 243, 244, 245–246, 247, 248, 249, 252, 363, 365 “Memorial de los Pueblos,” 239, 245– 246 Memoriales, 239, 242, 243, 245, 248 “Motolinía Insert,” 239, 240, 245–246, 247, 249 mulato, mulatos, 63, 75, 76 Municipal Codex. So the unfortunate episode of the mason and his ladder related by Antuñano may well have occurred. 157 Elizabeth Hill Boone and Sahagún) “took particular care to inform themselves of the habits and customs of these people, and they could do this better than is now possible, for they knew aged Indians who could help them, and the picture writings were still sound and whole. 1. In one modern grammar, the stems regularly show third person vowel shifts whenever they occur in the Spanish verb itself: cuenta-, entiende-, piensa- (Bills et al. The issue was not merely that most Andean people had been baptized, received some Christian instruction, and participated in Christian festivals on a regular basis. It was worshiped as the god or goddess of the lagoon. . 12 For a provocative discussion of Valadés’s work, see Watts 1991. Communication difficulties and other hardships (for Europeans) encountered in the Andean highlands meant that the Spanish occupation, in contrast to the Mexican experience, was far more intensive on the coast than in the interior. In preparation for these events, colonial judges asked communities to draw up a “true painting of the village, its lands and water, and bring it before his grace. In both, there is layer upon layer of repetition of the same figure of reversal, from the grossest level of patterning to the smallest detail. 52 Art and Architecture Records 53 God, baptism (after James Lockhart, The Nahuas After the Conquest [1992: 428]) Religion ? The testimony was sworn to by a pickup crew: none of the important encomenderos took part. One dimension of this perception was his much longer service in the region: he had arrived in 1540, some twenty years before Matienzo, at a time when Andean society was much closer to its aboriginal condition. He called the month not Ayarmaca, but Ayamarcai, “carrying forth the dead” (Guaman Poma 1980: 256–257).17 In his 14 Molina (1943: 46) reads “los Indios de Orco,” which is an error. So, whereas the checkered tunic of Andean memory could become a two-dimensional image in a coat of arms, the heraldic figures of the lion and eagle could be transferred to the Andean tunic itself. Secondly, the absence of massive settlement was surely an important factor, and had the obvious effect that the conquerors remained a small minority. not?) 3 Frontispiece to Anonymous (Cristóbal de Mena), La Conquista del Perú, 1534 (after 1929 edition). KUBLER, GEORGE 1963 The Quechua in the Colonial World. . Colonized thought carries its unity as an arcanum, incompletely available even to those who give tradition new voice. 48 For example, the 1574 will of Pedro Arapa, cacique principal of the Pueblo de Pocona in the jurisdiction of Mizque (Bolivia), lists “20 vestidos de cumbi, mantas y camisetas de cumbi viejas y nuevas” (Archivo Municipal de Cochabamba/Ramo Mizque, vols. 236r)11 11 Decimos [i.e., los Concha] que el dicho nuestro ascendiente de quien somos herederos lixitimos fabrico y edefico un estanque y represa de agua con paredes de piedra de altura de mas de dos estados de sinquenta baras poco mas o menos de largo pegado a un serro media legua del dicho pueblo de san damian con sinco bocas en que se recoxia el agua de un puquio con la qual el dicho yacha chauqua sus hijos nietos y descendientes del ayllo de concha regaron sus chacras . Gran servicio y hospitalidad. Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, Lima. The secular clerics, it is implied, being less given to devotional exercises, will not supply the needed role models.The pessimism is obvious: the danger is not that the native people might fail to advance to a superior, more spiritual condition, but that they will lose even the inferior form of Christianity that they have. Sua reserva é do tipo não reembolsável, ou seja, caso cancele ou não compareça o valor pago de sinal ou integral não poderá ser devolvido. Yale University Press, New Haven, Conn. LEVENSON, JAY A. Most of the other pictorial histories of the mid- and late-sixteenth century can be seen in this light. All of this took place primarily in the cities, and undoubtedly was facilitated by the fact that both colonists and the native population were Christian. . Revista del Museo e Instituto de Arqueología 23: 281–308. 15, 73). The first is the history, and the other four are, broadly speaking, “religious” in nature. GONZÁLEZ HOLGUÍN, DIEGO 1989 Vocabulario de la lengua general de todo el Perú llamada Qquichua o del Inca [1608]. . These clandestine gatherings came to awaken the suspicions of the priest at the nearby church of San Marcelo which he promptly reported to his superiors. In fact, these artisan-painters requested permission from the oidor Gregorio González de Cuenca to practice their craft in the valleys and towns of the coast without interference from the Spanish authorities (Rostworowski 1977, 1989). 1987 Pilgrims of the Andes: Regional Cults in Cuzco. The Nahua rulers from Mexico, Texcoco, and Tacuba took this opportunity to present claims for recompense for unpaid bills and to complain about unjust taxation and treatment. 374 Christian Pageantry and Native Identity in Early Colonial Mexico the guidance of the literate elite. A complex society in Crete was able easily to assimilate the colonizers, whereas 26 The Many Faces of Medieval Colonization the more simple social structures of some of the Baltic populations gave in to the technological and institutional superiority of the German crusaders. Thus the westerners could not supplant or eradicate native society, and could not, because of circumstances and their own ideology, make the historical choice of assimilation. Columbia University Press, New York. Español . Here, the focus is different; it examines why the historical accounts concerning the Pre-Hispanic past continued to be actively manipulated well into the colonial period. Bruce Mannheim has reported a marked difference between urban and rural Quechua today. In Handbook of Middle American Indians (Robert Wauchope, Gordon F. Ekholm, and Ignacio Bernal, eds.) Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americano de Sevilla, Seville. See Van Zantwijk (1960) on the “Teomexica,” Hill and Hill (1986: 122–140 and passim) on purism, and Friedlander (1975: chap. University of Texas Press, Austin. All this was now dispatched to the crown. You can email the site owner to let them know you were blocked. The honor hierarchy, grounded in social relations of power and dominance, rested on the unmaking or the social disgrace of others. This paper considers these questions in examining the Aztec histories recorded in the early colonial period. Institute of Latin American Studies Research Papers 21. People were to rise at five and begin work at seven. Études Mesoamericaines 7. 25b Drawing of one of a pair of aquillas from the Atocha, before 1622. Anales Científicos de la Universidad del Centro del Perú 1: 201–407. KARTTUNEN, FRANCES 1982 Nahuatl Literature. BOYD, SUSAN A. ): 211–237. Historiographies are retrospective historical accounts that relate such things as the migrations of peoples from an origin place to their capital city, their battles and conquests, the dynasties that ruled them, and similar events both before and after the conquest (see Carrasco 1971). Also absent from the Tenochtitlan materials is the insistence, included in the other petitions, that there had once been three equally powerful rulers. Some seventeenth-century Andeans increasingly saw themselves and their world in these categories. 2nd ed. ROYS, RALPH L. (ED. 15 Angeliki E. Laiou vigor. 3r). Private collection. 257 The Aztec Triple Alliance BIBLIOGRAPHY ACOSTA, JOSEPH DE 1962 Historia natural y moral de las Indias (Edmundo O’Gorman, ed.). Bruce Mannheim, Jorge Klor de Alva, Kitty Allen, and Heather Lechtman gave me much to think about in Washington, as did Bill Fowler, Steve Houston, and Tom Gregor of Vanderbilt University’s anthropology department, where this paper had its second hearing.The volume’s anonymous readers also offered helpful critiques. European clocks divided every night and day into twenty-four hours of the same length, irrespective of the changing duration of night and day at different times of year (Fig. It would probably take much more in the way of indigenous-language sources to detect any Stage 3 traits beyond those already seen in language itself; so far, none are evident. Within a decade of the 1524 arrival of the first official Franciscan evangelizers, the parameters of Nahua-Christian devotional practices had been laid via the incorporation of song and dance, musical instruments, processions, and dramatic performances into the new cultus. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Pantheon, New York. Interestingly, this is exactly the reason given by whomever wrote the Huarochirí Manuscript (1991: 41–42), although, as Salomon demonstrates, 457 Tom Cummins such historical memory in the Andes is only artificially kept in the literature of extirpation or legal documents. AVENDAÑO, FERNANDO DE 1648 Sermones de los misterios de nuestra santa fé catolica, en lengua castellana y la general del Inca. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman. Who shines, who kindles, beautiful moon Raiser of the true day Hope of all You, a flash of lightning for the ugly one Full moon (pampa killa), who doesn’t diminish City of God To you, Queen, who is equal Of all the saints Of all the angels The head of the devil is beaten With earth tupu are stomped With just your name. Rather, they concentrate on symbolic traditions that ensured that identity among Indians was rooted, at least in part, in practices originating in Pre-Hispanic culture as well as in a political memory that articulated their differences with Europeans as a result of a distinct origin and the accommodation of some of their differences to European norms as a result of an enforced, shared history. WATTS, PAULINE MOFFITT 1991 Hieroglyphs of Conversion: Alien Discourses in Diego Valadés’s Rhetorica Christiana. An Indian by the name of Don Francisco Tito Yupanqui from Hanan Copacabana began sculpting the image in 1582 even though he had great difficulty with the archbishop in obtaining official permission to do so. Spanish imperial practice construed their colonial subjects in broad, universal categories: all Spaniards, notwithstanding the social distinctions that might have separated them in Europe, were privileged colonists in the Americas; all indigenous peoples, regardless of ethnic claims or prior political standing, whether peasant, provincial lord, or Inka king, became “Indian” (Spalding 1974; Gibson 1987; Morner 1967). Private collection. 3, exp. But to do this, Toledo first establishes that the role itself derives from, and hence is validated by, antiquity: “vista la orden que antiguamente tuvieron.” He then moves to the present and the specific case in which the sitting on a tiana is an ongoing part of political custom: “y sentaros eis en tiana como es costumbre entre demás caciques y principales de este Reino.” The phrase “este Reino” here applies to the contemporary political entity of the viceroyalty so that the power of this custom to confer authority is no longer controlled by Andean tradition. He describes it as “both a real event . BOONE, ELIZABETH HILL 1983 The Codex Magliabechiano and the Lost Prototype of the Magliabechiano Group. Echoing Spanish penchants, Guaman Poma’s vision of colonial order was rooted in notions of purity—both of nación (español, indio, and negro) and of status (nobility, commoner/peasant). In the 1970s, historical ethnographers of the Andes tried to establish continuity between modern Andean cultural forms and preconquest forms so as to find the quintessence of “Andeanness.” In recent years, scholars such as Alberto Flores Galindo (1987) and Michael Taussig (1987) have instead emphasized that Andean cultures, Andean landscapes, and even Andean utopias have been refashioned within the European—and North American—imaginaExemplary works include Anderson, Berdan, and Lockhart 1976; Burkhart 1989; Cummins 1991; Hanks 1986; Karttunen 1982; Karttunen and Lockhart 1976, 1987; Klor de Alva, Nicholson, and Quiñones 1988; Lockhart 1991; MacCormack 1985, 1988, 1991; Rappaport 1987; Salomon 1982; Salomon and Urioste 1991; Silverblatt 1987; and Szeminski 1987. To their right are the heads of their dependents: wives, male and female children, and infants. diciembre del 2013. f58 Agrobanco Memoria Anual 2013. Cultura andina y represión: Procesos y visitas de idolatrías y hechicerías, Cajatambo, siglo XVII. Given the advanced nature of rhetoric in Aztec Mexico, the Nahuas were perfectly capable of memorizing a catechism easily; Motolinía (1951: 105, 245–246) and others tell of the facility with which the indigenous population learned to sing and recite the catechism and to teach it to others. 4). Women staggered under the load as they carried them down to the ancient waterworks (Fig. What sort of a con4 Typically, they are cacicazgo cases in which rival native lords advance claims based on dynastic legitimacy. 6 Guaman Poma reproduces here an extract from a Quechua sermon by Molina. We know about Mesoamerican writing not so much from the surviving remnants of fig-bark paper and deer-hide as from the Maya glyphs that were cut in stone and painted on cave walls and pots. . It stands in the middle of a channel that runs from Lake Yanascocha to the modern dam. . DAWSON, CHRISTOPHER 1955 The Mongol Mission: Narratives and Letters of the Franciscan Missionaries in Mongolia and China in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries. By these precedents Guaman Poma is able to introduce himself in this section as “don Phelipe de Ayala, princípe, autor desta dicha corónica.” Here then he gives a textual connection between his presumed colonial status and ancient precedent using the same combination of elements that appear visually in the portada (Guaman Poma 1980: 462, fol. 2nd facsimile ed. At one point Sahagún rewrote, or (more likely) had assistants rewrite, a set of devotional exercises that he claims he discovered among the natives, which contained many errors and incongruities (Sahagún 1574); one notes that he did not simply confiscate it but corrected it and presumably returned it to native hands. 4 Motolinía (1951: 207) specifies both kinds of books; Sahagún (bk. Nor should Nahua Christianity be seen as a unified and systematized body of dogma and practice. BIERHORST, JOHN (TRANS. These three señores were all “muy considerados,” and, furthermore, they had divided up all the conquered lands among themselves (Motolinía and Olarte 1914: 228). . .” 275 Frank Salomon The description matches Yansa Lake and its hydraulic works in all of its details.12 In this presentation, however, Concha’s witnesses recounted none of the miraculous content that dominated the yancas’ charter. VALENCIA ESPINOZA, ABRAHAM 1991 Taytacha Temblores, Patrón Jurado del Cuzco. CONCOLORCORVO (ALONSO CARRIO DE LA VANDERA?) Moreover, even these moments of eruption are notoriously thin in the extent to which they have articulated explicit cultural politics. 1: chap. 1989 Sexuality and Marriage in Colonial Latin America. the Indians find it difficult to give explanations unless they can consult the book of their village.” Boone also reminds us (p. 149) how Spanish officials accepted and respected native pictorial manuscripts, which partly explains their survival to about 1600. James Lockhart (1992: 376–392) discusses the annals genre in considerable detail. Motolinía, in his 1541 Historia de los indios, illustrates the general tenor: They celebrate the festivals and pascuas of the Lord and of Our Lady, and of the principal vocations of their towns, with much merriment and solemnity. 14). The chronological and ethnic-oriented patterns in the documentary evidence can indicate how the Triple Alliance was constructed over time in the colonial period, for what material purposes, and by whom. As colonial objects, their cultural expressions had to be constructed as both different and inferior. 117 Tom Cummins teenth-century colonial unku, male tunic, of kumbi weave, we can see the kinds of adaptations made (Fig. Why did Sunicancha think that questioning Cristóbal Chauca Huaman’s activity (as opposed to anybody else’s) would prejudice Concha’s titles? See Wood (1991: 180 and note 4) for a list of citations to specific manuscripts of the most typical títulos types. 15, 71; Molina 1943: 66). 9 and 10 solid line = axis of symmetry dotted line = points of antisymmetry numbers across vertical axis = syllables in each half-line numbers across horizontal axis = line groupings in each half of the song 403 Bruce Mannheim The displacements reflect a further feature of the song, that is, a complex, multi-layered icon in which a reversal at one level opens into a reversal at another. ): 217–252. ): 166–201. ): 189–219. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, D.C. 1992b Flowery Heaven:The Aesthetic of Paradise in Nahuatl Devotional Literature. Photograph © Macduff Everton. Revista de Indias 48: 693–714. ORTÍZ DE MONTELLANO, GUILLERMO 1990 Nicán Mopouha [Nahuatl text], 2nd ed. Madrid. 309 Sabine MacCormack text, he mentions the preparations made in Cuzco for the initiation of young Inka men. The traditional authority of the kuraka therefore was not only incorporated into the secular hierarchy of political colonial authority, but was instituted into the confessional practices of control by the church. Thus, we have an expansion fueled by trade and carried out primarily by merchants and sailors. iussu editum cum calendario Gregoriano. . While some Europeans were burning codices, others were commissioning the creation of new ones to send to Europe as curiosities or for the recovery of information about how the indigenous societies which had been disrupted by the conquest had once operated. SIMPSON, LESLEY BYRD 1934 Studies in the Administration of the Indians in New Spain [I.The Laws of Burgos of 1512. See huaca; Christ, as El Senõr de los Milagros Pachacamac, place. By directing our attention toward the indigenous response to the Spanish intrusion, to the cultural adjustment and negotiation it required, we hoped to understand better some of the cultural features that made these societies so resilient. . 8, 273), followed by the authors dependent on him (cf. 1600. Solicitado. 4. (1989: 512–513) Fray Gerónimo de Mendieta, writing in the mid-1590s, partially copies Motolinía’s report but enlarges it with much additional detail regarding the decorations, the organization of the processions, the dances, and the music (1980: 429–432).6 Among his descriptions of specific celebrations is an eyewitness account of the 1595 Holy Week processions in Mexico City, which involved tens of thousands of marchers, including thousands of self-flagellating penitents. Another difficulty noted by Gibson was the contradictory information on the distribution of tribute among the Triple Alliance members. . See also Pachacamilla Pariacaca, 347 Huamantla, 177 huari song. The case is remarkable both because it involves what was thought to have been 165 Elizabeth Hill Boone Fig. Celebrada en su historia, con la profecia del capitulo doce del Apocalipsis. Note the combination of drawn indigenous calendrical symbols with Arabic numerals and the alphabetically written names of years, as in “4 Acaxihuitl” or “Three Reed Year” (1639) (Museo Nacional de Antropología y Historia, Colección Antigua 872, fol. In the map one can clearly see the neglected Pre-Hispanic village of San Cristóbal de Concha,14 and in its center, there is a building with 13 Yauri Llancha is elsewhere in the Huarochirí Manuscript specified as the Concha heroes’ origin shrine (Salomon and Urioste 1991: 136). Journal of Latin American Lore 12: 107–139. Detecting such changes in primordial titles requires a good deal of guesswork. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman. Guaman Poma himself mentioned this practice: Until this day they do it and follow it in sowing the crops, in what month and what day and what hour, and at what point, where the sun goes.They look at the high mountains, and in the morning [they look for] the light and ray which the sun marks in the window. To this point, the pattern and relative chronology of Peru and central Mexico 46 Three Experiences of Culture Contact: Nahua, Maya, and Quechua ran reasonably close, but thereafter the mita remained strong and quite central to the economy, virtually to independence, showing an even more marked and prolonged “Stage 2” aspect than in Yucatan. “Lucio” may have been Lucio Tapia, who was principal of Milpa Alta’s Concepción Arenal School, where Luz Jiménez, destined to be a major figure of twentieth-century Nahuatl literature, began to study in 1910 (Fig. 19). And later they also sing a large part of the day without it being much work or burden to them. In the upper left Pedro de Gante points to a lienzo showing men’s labors, and in the upper right another friar teaches about the creation of the world before another large painting (after Fernandez 1992: 181). PÉREZ BOCANEGRA, JUAN DE 1631 Ritual formulario e institución de Curas para administrar a los naturales de este Reyno los Santos Sacramentos . Then, Toledo wrote directly about Hernando Pillohuanca: as the said “visitador” states according to his opinion [Hernando Pillohuanca] to be of age, ability, and capacity, and of good example for occupying the said cacicazgo consistent with what is said, therefore using the powers invested in me by his majesty I give favor to the said sir Hernando Pillohuanca . Madrid. 33 Colonial Inka unku, 17th century. This asymmetry can be the result of the position of a pattern in the larger whole, can be introduced deliberately by the weaver, or can appear in the way the textile is used. See cultural contact cryptogram, 402 Cuauhnahuac, 254 Cuauhtinchan, 183–184 Cuauhtitlan, 240, 243 Anales de Cuauhtitlan, 240, 249, 254 Cuernavaca, 204, 218, 222, 223, 226 Cuitlahuac. . 5 For example, the uncritical gathering of citations from vastly different texts as sources of equal value to be tallied up and reconciled by the methodology of the scholar’s discipline so as to present a monolithic explanation of a unified Pre-Hispanic past, be it Aztec, Maya, Inka, or other peoples, seems a less theoretically viable project than it did twenty years ago. 1931 Antiquities of Mexico: Comprising Fac-Similes of Ancient Mexican Paintings and Hieroglyphics, 1. Mimicking the authority granted Spanish municipalities, colonial policy allowed Indian communities significant autonomy with respect to local concerns. . Cahiers des Amériques Latines 16: 9–24. 8), in a distinctive artistic style, this subset of the títulos tradition is the most controversial. 1973 El lazarillo de ciegos caminantes [1773] (Emilio Carilla, ed.). University of Texas Press, Austin. In contrast, each line in the Quechua song splits evenly. The introduction of Christianity (Fig. The form used to indicate plurality (-s) is Spanish, not Quechua (kuna). In a conscious act, the papacy had sought to substitute wars against “the Other” for internal, European, internecine warfare. BURKHART, LOUISE M. 1989 The Slippery Earth, Nahua-Christian Moral Dialogue in Sixteenth-Century Mexico. VARÓN GABAI, RAFAEL 1990 El Taki Onqoy: Las raices andinas de un fenomino colonial. The Ocoyoacac title alerts its readers: “The Spaniards are already coming; do not show [this document] to them” (AGN T 2998, 3: 47v). Chavez Hayhoe, Mexico. In this investigation I found that the principal Andean huacas had kinship ties similar to those of the human inhabitants (Arriaga 1968; Albornoz 1967). 14). A very short time indeed would be left for a Stage 1 à la Nahuatl. I am a man of twenty-six years, of good appearance, good stature, and polished good manners such that I am no different in my bearing, dress and speech than courteous and courtly Spaniards. Texcoco and, to a lesser extent, Tlacopan were vociferous in fighting for the “return” of their sujetos, whereas Tenochtitlan, given over to the Crown soon after the conquest, presented far fewer claims (1964: 51). 6), and for August, he depicted the ceremonial plowing that initiated the new agricultural season (see Fig. I will only mention an interesting detail or two and carry out some general comparisons with better known, if more rarefied, Quechua writings. I am interested in the kind of manuscripts they were and why they were painted, in order to explain their social and administrative niches and the documentary needs they served. Even further, was not the European interpretation of the oracle figures at Pachacamac and other sites visited by Pizzaro’s band of conquistadors based upon their own understanding of the Delphic manner in which images “speak” through someone? Most of them were not produced by official Nahua notaries or historians, such as the renowned Chimalpahin. University of Texas Press, Austin. Guaman Poma’s portada is such a threshold, neither completely Western nor Andean.1 Yet it is just this state of being neither—as seen through a letter ad- 1 Rolena Adorno argues that this position forms the very manner in which Guaman Poma describes and depicts the Spanish colonial world: “Throughout the visual and verbal texts, Guaman Poma as narrator approaches the sphere of the European as though he were simultaneously alien and native to it” (1986: 131). See also Camay; Camay quilla; Guaman Poma de Ayala, Felipe: Nueva corónica; haylli January, 311, 314–315, 316 February, 305, 314 April, 302, 305 May, 305, 307 June, 306 winter solstice, 305, 320 depiction of a devil (demon), 306, 320 July, 305 August, 299, 300, 305, 336 Coyaraimi or Citua, 303. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 90: 175– 190. Phoebus 7: 84–106. 3 Testerian catechism in Nahuatl from the early eighteenth century (after Boban 1891, atlas: pl. Around this same time, the historian Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, descendant of an Andean noble family from Huamanga, was also in the area and heard of Avila’s doings from a certain Don Pedro Puypacaxa, who was over a hundred years old and had thus witnessed the turbulent history of evangelization in the region from the very beginning. 3 4 16 The Many Faces of Medieval Colonization interested in profits than in conversion, and certainly more interested in profits than in warfare for the expansion of Christianity. This was taken to mean the “Owners” had reached up from their seats and gladly plucked the recado. The Huarochirí Manuscript records the following as the rite for closing the dam: To impound the water all the people went out too. Location unknown. 319 empleos de green point. Sexual politics had broad implications in the seventeenth-century Andes, particularly when churchmen believed that the very basis of colonial order (civilization) would be destroyed if Indians did not practice family values their way. The World of the Cah: Postconquest Yucatec Maya Society. See also Christianity: catechism; cultural contact; encomendero; encomiendos; Nahuatl ceremonialism, 151, 361, 364 “Conjuros” extracted from prisoners in Morelos and Guerrero, 432–433 deities, female Atlan Tonan, 368 Chicomecoatl, 368 Toci, 368 nobility titles and privileges, 182 philosophy, in books, 152 religious life, 361 ceremonial character of, 369 Christianity, Christianization, 28, 364–365, 369, 454 baptism, 362 community patron saints, 376 crucifixes, as cult objects, 364 dance, 362, 363, 365, 366, 374, 377 women excluded from, 364 473 Index festivals, 365 music, use of, 366, 367, 377 Our Lady, 365 processions, 363, 365, 366, 367, 374, 377 as resistance to colonialism, 369 ritual, understanding of, 9 sacrifices, human and animal, forbidden, 364 secular clergy, 370, 371, 373, 375 teaching, 295 songs, suspected as diabolical, 374 flowers, use of, 365, 366, 367, 372, 377 ritual boundary marking, 206 stages of, 35–37, 53 titles and privilege, 182 Nahuatl, 374, 377, 425, 429, 431, 437, 438, 439. a los amigos carnívoros y que vean que los veganos no sufrimos ni un poquito en comer delicioso. ): 67–80. In Andean Cosmologies through Time (Robert V. H. Dover, Katharine E. Seibold, and John H. McDowell, eds. : 68r). Indeed, there was so much legal wrangling that a “class of Spanish lawyers made its living by encouraging or provoking Indian litigation” (1964: 54). . DIBBLE, CHARLES E.: see Codex Xolotl 1980. University of Texas Press, Austin. For this argument the man named was just a more or less random example of Concha’s purported failure to work a claim. 1991 When Jesus Came, the Corn Mothers Went Away: Marriage, Sexuality, and Power in New Mexico, 1500 –1846. 394 A Nation Surrounded 85 15. At right, the Church springs forth from the side of the crucified Christ, while faithful Christians pray below.
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